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Thursday, January 10, 2019

Oh, the Horror of a Corridor!

The December 2018 FOMC minutes are out and reveal members continue to discuss the potential long-run frameworks for monetary policy implementation. Their discussion as to whether they should keep their current floor operating system or move to a corridor operating system can be illustrated using the figure below:


The FOMC likes the floor system since it separates the size of the Fed's balance sheet from the setting of its target interest rate. This added flexibility is possible because the reserve supply schedule is on the horizontal part of the reserve demand curve as seen above. Here, banks will take all the reserves sent their way--killing off interbank lending--as their demand for reserves is perfectly elastic. The corridor system puts the reserve schedule back on the downward slopping part of the reserve demand curve. That creates an opportunity costs for reserves and resurrects interbank lending. 

Recall that the floor system is a byproduct of the crisis. It was part of the unconventional monetary policy actions taken during that time. Consequently, the Fed is now discussing how to normalize its operating system. As I have argued in a recent paper and in various blog posts, I prefer the Fed leave the floor system and move to a symmetric corridor system. In my view, the political and economic costs exceed any benefits of a floor system. 

I do not want to rehash these arguments, but I do want to respond to a claim made by the FOMC members as reported in the December 2018 minutes. Specifically, the FOMC claims there will be much greater interest rate volatility under a corridor system. Here is the relevant part (my stress):
Reducing reserves close to the lowest level that still corresponded to the flat portion of the reserve demand curve would be one approach consistent with the Committee's previously stated intention, in the Policy Normalization Principles and Plans that it issued in 2014, to "hold no more securities than necessary to implement monetary policy efficiently and effectively." However, reducing reserves to a point very close to the level at which the reserve demand curve begins to slope upward could lead to a significant increase in the volatility in short-term interest rates and require frequent sizable open market operations or new ceiling facilities to maintain effective interest rate control. These considerations suggested that it might be appropriate to instead provide a buffer of reserves sufficient to ensure that the Federal Reserve operates consistently on the flat portion of the reserve demand curve.
Well, if there were any doubts as to where the FOMC is leaning in this debate over operating systems this paragraph should put the doubts to rest. FOMC members apparently love their flat reserve demand curves. So much so, they cannot handle the imagined horrors of interest rate volatility under a corridor system.

Yes, the horrors of interest rate volatility in a corridor system. I mean, how can central banks like the Bank of Canada (BoC) impose such a cruel system on their financial system? How dare the BoC leave the peaceful sanctuary of a floor system and move to the interest rate jungle of a corridor system! Just look at the all the interest rate volatility they are imposing on the Canadian financial system.



Oh wait, the BoC corridor system actually looks okay. Yes, there is some interest rate volatility for the overnight repo rate relative to the BoC's interest rate target, but the repo rate stays well within the corridor bounds.

Maybe the FOMC means interest rate volatility in a corridor system compared to a floor system, like the one it runs. After all, the FOMC is a true believer in its own operating system. The FOMC did say in the minutes that the "efficient and effective implementation of monetary policy" most likely requires providing "a buffer of reserves sufficient to ensure that the Federal Reserve operates consistently on the flat portion of the reserve demand curve."

With such confidence in their own floor system, it must be that the FOMC members are indeed thinking of the interest rate stability in their system. Right?


Oops, maybe not. Overnight U.S. repo rates do not look so stable compared to Canada. Maybe the scales of the above figure overstate the volatility of repo rates in the United States? How about comparing the actual spread between the overnight repo rate and target rate for the two countries and their different operating systems?


Okay, maybe the corridor system is not so bad. Maybe the FOMC is thinking of a return to an asymmetric corridor system like the one that existed pre-2008. There might be more interest rate volatility in returning to that system, but most advocates of a move to corridor system--like George Selgin, Stephen Williamson, Bill Nelson, Peter Ireland, and myself--are not advocating such a move. Instead, we want a move to symmetric corridor system where the IOER pins down the lower bound and the discount rate anchors the upper bound. 

Such a system can easily collapse into a floor system during a crisis, so the Fed could still have its desired flexibility if needed in a bind. Moreover, many other countries use some form of a symmetric corridor system. George Kahn of the Kansas City Fed has a great review of these experiences and the workings of these operating systems. 

I am glad the FOMC is debating the future of its operating system. My hope is that Fed does not get blinded by its own experience with an asymmetric corridor system and instead looks elsewhere in the world for understanding how a symmetric corridor system can work. 

Wednesday, December 12, 2018

A Risk Sharing View of Monetary Policy

I have a new working paper titled "Better Risk Sharing Through Monetary Policy? The Financial Stability Case for a Nominal GDP Target". I presented this paper at the recent Cato Monetary Policy Conference. Here is the abstract:
A series of papers have shown that a monetary regime targeting nominal GDP (NGDP)
can reproduce the distribution of risk that would exist if there were widespread use of state contingentdebt securities (Koenig, 2013; Sheedy, 2014; Azariadis et al., 2016, Bullard and DiCecia, 2018). This paper empirically evaluates this view by exploiting an implication of the theory: those countries whose NGDP stayed closest to its expected pre-crisis growth path during the crisis should have experienced the least financial instability. This paper constructs an NGDP gap measure for 21 advanced economies that is used to test this implication. The results strongly suggest that there is a meaningful role for NGDP in promoting financial and economic stability.
And an excerpt:
The key insight of Koenig (2013), Sheedy (2014), Azariadis et al. (2016), and Bullard and DiCecia (2018) is that in a world of incomplete markets where there is non-state contingent nominal contracting, an NGDP target can reproduce the risk distribution that would occur if there were complete markets and state contingent nominal debt contracting. An NGDP target, in other words, can make up for the lack of insurance against future risks that could affect debtors’ ability to repay their debt. Conversely, an NGDP target can also make up for the lack of insurance against potential returns a creditor might miss out on because their funds are locked up in a fixed-price nominal loan. Bullard and Dicecia (2018) show that this result holds even when the heterogeneity among debtors and creditors modeled approximates that of the actual income, financial wealth, and consumption inequality in the United States. They note this makes NGDP targeting “monetary policy for the masses.” 
This paper uses what I call a 'sticky-forecast' of NGDP as a benchmark path. Here is the intuition for the measure:
The idea behind the sticky forecast path for NGDP is twofold. First, the public makes many economic decisions based on a forecast of their nominal incomes. For example, households may take out a 30-year mortgage based on an implicit forecast of their nominal income over this horizon. The actual realization of nominal income may turn out to be very different than expected, but the households may not be able to quickly adjust their plans given sticky debt contracts and other commitments that constrain them. Therefore, the consequences of previous forecasts are often binding on them and slow to change even if their nominal income forecasts have been updated. Second, in addition to these old forecasts and decisions whose influence lingers, new forecasts and new decisions are being made each quarter for subsequent periods that will also have lingering effects. Together, this means future periods have many overlapping and different forecast applied to them that only gradually adjust.
The sticky-forecast path of NGDP can be viewed, in other words, as the neutral level of NGDP given the public's expectations of nominal income leading up to each period. The gap between it and actual NGDP is the "NGDP gap" and provides a measure of the stance of monetary policy.

Here is a note that further explains its construction for the United States using quarterly data from the Survey of Professional Forecasters. The note also shows how the sticky-forecast measure can be used as cross-check on the stance of U.S. monetary policy. The figures below illustrate its use. The first figure shows the sticky-forecast path of NGDP along with the actual NGDP series.


This next figure show the NGDP Gap, the percent deviation between these two series. As noted above, this can seen as the stance of monetary policy. Interestingly, it provides results very similar to Taylor rules. The NGDP Gap indicates that currently the monetary conditions are still a bit tight, but close to neutral. 


How Close is the Fed to a Corridor System?

I recently participated in an AEI event that showcased George Selgin's new book on the Fed's floor  system. My role at the event was to comment, along with Bill Nelson, on George's book. 

Readers of this blog will know I share many of George's concerns about the floor system that are outlined in his book and I would like to see the Fed move to a symmetric corridor system. The FOMC spent a good portion of its November meeting discussing this issue. My comments at the AEI event, however, were not on the tradeoffs between a corridor and floor system but rather on how close the Fed currently is to a corridor system. There are some indicators that the Fed may not be too far away.

To illustrate my point, consider the figures below. The question I considered is how far the Fed is from transitioning from the figure on the left below to the one on the right. Note, that there are two ways to make this move. First, the supply of reserves (red line) can shift back until it hits the slopping part of the reserve demand curve. Second, the demand for reserves (blue line) can shift out until the slopping part of the demand hits the reserve supply schedule. Or, there can be some combination of both developments. In either case, reserves become relatively scarce, unsecured interbank lending revives, and reserves once again will bear an opportunity costs. 


In my remarks I noted that there have been both supply and demand shifts that have moved the Fed closer to a corridor system.  (For more details on this simple supply-demand model see my recent paper.)

On the supply side, there has been a reduction in reserves going on since August 2014. Initially, the decline was largely due to the the growth of the Treasury General Account (TGA) and overnight reverse repos displacing reserves. Since October 2017 it also been the result of the Fed decreasing reinvestment of principal payments on its asset holdings. Collectively, these actions have led to a decline of about $1 trillion dollars in reserves over the past four years. Reserves are now just over $1.7 trillion. This can be seen in the figure below:


On the demand side, there have been new regulations and apparently a general rise in risk aversion that has led to a higher demand for reserves than existed before 2008. The main regulatory development is the liquidity coverage ratio (LCR) which requires banks to hold enough liquid assets to cover 30 days of withdrawals. The LCR treats bank reserves and treasuries as the top "high quality liquid assets" (HQLA) in meeting this requirement. 

For most of the past decade, the IOER rate has been higher than that yield on overnight treasury repo rates creating an elevated demand for reserves to meet the HQLA. As seen below, however, this relationship has changed with measures of treasury repo rates bouncing around--and increasingly above--the IOER rate. As I have explained elsewhere, this is largely due to President Trump's budget deficits sharply increasing the supply of treasury bills.


This reversal in relationship should mean, all else equal, that that banks will be indifferent between holding bank reserves and treasury bills. However, the most recent Senior Financial Officer Survey indicates that even in this "constellation" of interest rates banks still want to hold a lot of reserves relative to the pre-crisis levels. Specifically, the banks indicate they would want to hold $617 billion in reserve balances. Now the survey only covers banks that currently hold two-thirds of bank reserves. Consequently, extrapolating this number out another third puts the total desired reserve balances at $927 billion. This implies a large rightward shift of the reserve demand curve compared to pre-crisis demand for reserves. 

Given these developments, if the Fed continues to reduce its balance sheet by $50 billion a month then it should reach a point of reserve scarcity (i.e. $927 billion) by early-to-mid 2020. This can be seen in the figure below.


Put differently, the Fed could be back in a corridor system as early as 2020 if it were to put its balance sheet reduction on autopilot. Note that balance sheet would be permanently larger--even after accounting for currency or NGDP growth--at a size near $3 trillion. 

Interestingly, the Senior Financial Officer Survey also indicates that if the Fed really wanted to shrink the supply of reserves to levels comparable to the pre-crisis system there is a way. All that is needed is for the price to be right. 

Specifically, the survey asked the banks whether they would decrease their reserve holdings further if comparable short-term interest rates were to rise above IOER by 5, 25, and 50 basis points (bps). The percent of banks that answered yes were 8, 46, and 49 percent, respectively. So somewhere between 5 and 25 bps, there is a threshold were a large number of banks would find it worthwhile to depart with reserves and hold treasury bills. Everyone has a price.1 Obviously, in this case the time to a corridor system would take longer as the reserve demand curve will have shifted inward.

The big takeaway, for me, is that the Fed may not be that too far away from a corridor system that maintains a moderately-sized balance sheet (owing to the residual demand for bank reserves). For reasons outlined in my previous post, however, I would prefer a return to a corridor system with fewer reserves and the Senior Financial Officer Survey suggests this outcome is possible.

P.S. Bill Nelson of the Bank Policy Institute had some really interesting comments at the event.

1 What is really interesting about this finding is that Dutkowsky and VanHoose (2018) find in a theoretical model that banks would stop holding large amounts of excess reserves once the spread crossed 6 bps. This theoretical results fits nicely with the survey showing their is a threshold between 5 and 25 bps.

Tuesday, November 27, 2018

A New Paper on the Fed's Floor System

As readers of this blog know, I have an interest in the Fed's operating system. This interest has culminated in a new paper where I look at the consequences of the Fed moving from a corridor system to a floor system in 2008. In particular, the paper looks at what this change has meant for bank portfolios and, as a result, financial intermediation provided by banks. The paper concludes with some policy recommendations. I would also note that George Selgin has just released a new book on this topic. My hope is that these projects will help inform the conversation over what operating system the Fed wants as it continues to normalize monetary policy. 

Paper Outline
So what does my paper have to say? It starts by laying out the standard arguments for a floor system:
The central idea behind this move was to remove the opportunity cost to banks of holding excess reserves by offering the banks a deposit rate at the Fed—the IOER rate—that was equal to or above short-term market interest rates. This favorable return was to sever banks’ incentive to rebalance their portfolios away from excess reserves toward other assets. The IOER rate was also to put a floor under short-term interest rates so as to align them with the Fed’s desired interest rate target. Together, these two facets of the floor system would allow the Fed to use its balance sheet as a tool of monetary policy while still maintaining interest rate control. 
In this new operating system, the stance of monetary policy was no longer set by a market interest rate but by an administrative interest rate: the IOER rate. The stance of monetary policy also was no longer tied to the supply of reserves. Instead, it was linked to the quantity of reserves demanded by banks, which the Fed influenced through changes to IOER. Specifically, the Fed set the IOER rate high enough that banks’ demand for reserves became perfectly elastic with respect to the federal funds rate. As a result, changes in the quantity of reserves supplied led to identical changes in the quantity demanded, other things being equal.  
The Federal Reserve, in short, went from an operating system in which monetary policy was transmitted through open market operations to one in which it is transmitted through the IOER rate. The Fed’s operating system changed from one in which money, in the form of reserves, mattered for monetary policy to one in which money has been “divorced” from monetary policy.
Okay, so why does this "divorce" matter? For advocates of a floor system the answer is simple:
This divorce from money is seen by many observers as the key advantage... because it gives the Fed the freedom to use its balance sheet independently of its desired interest rate target. The Fed, for example, can now sharply increase the supply of reserves in response to a liquidity crisis without causing a decline in its targeted interest rate.
Skeptics of the floor system, on the other hand, see this divorce as more problematic:
Others, however, see this divorce as creating an operating system that impairs the transmission mechanism of monetary policy... These observers’ understanding starts with the standard assumptions of a floor system. First, a floor system requires the IOER rate to be set at least equal to short-term interest rates. This removes the opportunity costs to banks of holding reserves and thereby keeps their demand perfectly elastic with respect to other short-term interest rates...  
[This] can lead to a rebalancing of bank portfolios that causes the supply of loans to be lower than it would have been otherwise. Banks lend as long as the marginal cost of funding is less than the risk-free marginal return on bank lending. In the Fed’s floor system, the IOER rate sets the marginal funding cost. Consequently, by setting the IOER rate higher than other short-term interest rates, the Fed has raised the marginal costs of funding and narrowed the gap between these costs and the risk-free marginal return on bank lending. All else being equal, the narrowing of this gap implies a relative reduction in the supply of loans and therefore a relative decline in the money supply.
Are these worries merited? My paper provides an empirical look at bank portfolios before and after the advent of the floor system to see if (1) there have been big structural shifts in bank balance sheets consistent with the critics claims and (2) whether such shifts can be attributed to the Fed's floor system. 

Empirical Evidence
On (1) I start with the following figure. It shows the share of bank assets allocated to loans and to safe assets (defined as the sum of cash, treasury, and agency asset holdings). Unsurprisingly, these series are almost mirror images of each other over both cyclical and structural time horizons. They tend to move in opposite directions during recessions--the grey bars--and over longer periods. At the advent of the floor system in late 2008, the loan share began declining as the safe asset share started rising. This change has been sustained and only recently has started reversing: 


If we break the safe assets apart into its subcategories, we see that that this tight link has been historically driven by movements in treasury and agency investments corresponding with changes in the loan share. Since 2008, the driving force behind the tight link became cash not treasury and agency investments:


If we zoom in and use two scales, this apparent structural change is even clearer.  Cash shares and loan shares become mirror images of each other:


Something big happened in 2008 that continues to the present that caused banks to allocate more of their portfolios to cash assets and less to loans. While the financial crisis surely was a part of the initial rebalancing, it is hard to attribute what appears to be 10-year structural change to the crisis alone. Instead, it seems more consistent with the critics view that the floor system itself has fundamentally changed bank portfolios allocation.

That takes us to question (2). The following figure shows the loan share of bank assets plotted against the spread between the IOER rate and the overnight dollar Libor rate. This IOER-Libor spread is negatively and strongly correlated with the loan share. This suggests banks invested less in loans when the relative return on bank reserves rose and vice versa.



Conversely, banks appear to have allocated more to cash assets with the IOER-Libor spread rose and vice versa:


The paper goes on to more carefully test these relationships using two-stage least squares regressions that control for endogeneity issues and other confounding influences. Moreover, the paper also provides a further breakdown of this relationship among foreign banks, large domestic banks, and small domestic banks. Collectively, the regressions point to a strong causal effect running from the IOER-Libor spread to the allocation of bank assets.

The Fed's move to a floor system, then, does seem to have influenced the amount of financial intermediation provided by banks to the private sector. The end of the paper provides some counterfactual exercises, including the following figure


This counterfactual shows the supply of bank loans would have been, at its peak, as much as $2 trillion higher in 2014. By mid-2018, with the IOER-Libor spread shrinking, it was closer to a $1 trillion shortfall. Now to be fair, other factors such as increased risk aversion, fintech, and new regulations also contributed to below trend growth in bank lending since the crisis. Still the evidence strongly suggest that financial intermediation to the private sector through banks declined because of the floor system. 

Policy Implications
The Fed's floor system, in short, has caused banks to increase their investment in the Fed at the expense of investing in the private sector. The question, then, becomes whether the Fed is any better than banks in allocating this credit. Put differently, is the Fed as a financial intermediary--funding short and lending long--really providing a better financial service than would have been provided by the private sector financial firms? It is not obvious to me that the answer is yes. 

What is obvious to me is that the Fed's floor system creates a whole set of other problems. First, as a profitable financial intermediary, the Fed is setting itself up for political shenanigans. Recall Congress taping into the Fed's capital surplus in 2018 and 2015. Though these transfers were relatively small and to some extent accounting gimmicks, they show how tempting a large, profitable Fed balance sheet can be to Congress. Second, the floor system effectively destroyed unsecured interbank lending. This market provided useful interbank monitoring and price discovery that no longer exists. Bringing this market-based monitoring back would be a nice addition to the bank regulator's existing toolbox. Third, the floor system forces the Fed to take safe asset collateral off the market which impairs other parts of the financial system. Only recently has President Trump's budget deficits begun to fill this hole. Fourth, the floor system can create bad optics for the Fed via the appearance of large 'subsidies' to large and foreign banks. In this era of populist politics, the Fed should be worried about the dangers to its independence this image could create. Finally, as noted above, I worry the Fed is a less effective financial intermediary than the private sector.

In short,  I see the costs exceeding any benefits from the floor system. That is why I advocate a return to a corridor system, but this time with the IOER explicitly setting the lower boundary. That is, the IOER would still be around, but it would be set lower than overnight market interest rates. For the past decade it has been for the most part above them. More details are in the paper.

Update: I have had several commentators ask me about the difficulty of returning to a corridor system given the relatively new LCR. Let me quote Governor Randy Quarles from a recent speech:
How banks respond to the Fed's reduction in reserve balances could, in theory, take a few different forms. One could envision that as the Fed reduces its securities holdings, a large share of which consists of Treasury securities, banks would easily replace any reduction in reserve balances with Treasury holdings, thereby keeping their LCRs roughly unchanged. According to this line of thought, because central bank reserve balances and Treasury securities are treated identically by the LCR, banks should be largely indifferent to holding either asset to meet the regulation. In that case, the reduction in reserves and corresponding increase in Treasury holdings might occur with relatively little adjustment in their relative rates of return.
In other words, since reserves and treasuries are viewed as equal HQLA there could be a substitution between the two as the Fed shrinks its balance sheet down. Quarles notes that currently some banks favor reserves, but that tells us nothing about what is ideal or what would transpire in a new symmetric corridor system. Finally, it is also worth noting that  banks can use Treasuries, but not reserves, as collateral for repos. Manhoman Singh is very good on that point. So Treasuries can actually make banks more liquid that non-hypothecatable reserves.

P.S. Here is a panel from the recent Cato Monetary Policy Conference on this issue. Great comments from Stephen Williamson, George Selgin, and Peter Ireland. Josh Zumbrum was the moderator.

Monday, November 26, 2018

Janet Yellen on NGDPLT

Andrew Metrick of Yale University interviewed former Fed Chair Janet Yellen today. It was an interesting discussion and one where they talked about, among other things, what changes the Fed could bring about in light of the recently announced strategies, tools, and communication review to be held in 2019.  Janet Yellen said her idea for reform "has much in common with NGDP targeting". Her response can be seen in the video below:


Glad to see her endorse a NGDPLT-like monetary regime. 

Tuesday, October 2, 2018

"Et tu, John Williams?"



Tim Duy reports that r-star, which rose to prominence over the past few years, is experiencing a Caesar-like betrayal at the Fed:
The Federal Reserve’s “r-star” has gone full supernova. New York Federal Reserve President John Williams, its key proponent, made clear in a speech late Friday that the neutral interest rate is no longer a guiding star for monetary policy. This means a federal funds rate in the range of what is considered neutral has no special significance as far as policy is concerned... 
Williams’s attachment to r-star cannot be overstated. At a professional level, it has been a key element of his research agenda. As recently as May he said that for “the moment, r-star continues to shine brightly, guiding monetary policy, but hold steady, low on the horizon.” The moment quickly passed. Last week, he tossed aside the metric, saying that it has “gotten too much attention in commentary about Fed policy.” A remarkable shift after just two 25-basis-point rate increases since his May comments... 
Williams’ speech marks the end of a transition in policy away from explicit forward guidance. It began this past August with Fed Chairman Jerome Powell’s Jackson Hole speech in which he noted the uncertainty surrounding estimates of key variables like the neutral interest rate. Fed Governor Lael Brainard pushed this point further in a subsequent speech, adding further uncertainty by differentiating between short- and long-run neutral. It continued in the September Federal Open Market Committee statement with the removal the description of policy as “accommodative.” And it ends with the primary proponent of the r-star concept — Williams — throwing it into the trash bin of crisis-era policy artifacts.
One is tempted to say "It was good knowing you r-star". However, r-star will still be around in all the models used by the FOMC and Fed staff. Just look at, for example, the policy rules on the Board of Governor's website or in its annual report. The reported change, as I see it, is more a move toward less explicit reliance on it. Implicitly, r-star will still be important to an FOMC that relies on the Phillips curve thinking in making its decisions. 

Still, these developments do indicate there is some movement towards looking at other indicators as I noted in recent post. There I suggested one useful metric the FOMC could add to its lists of monetary policy indicators is the gap between a stable benchmark growth path for nominal GDP and its actual value. I outlined in this note several ways to create this metric and note that it is in the spirit of a NGDP level target without actually adopting one. 

There are many reasons for the Fed to start following the NGDP gap. The most practical one is its ability to help the FOMC avoid falling for the inflation head fakes created by supply shocks. Here is hoping that out of the ashes of r-star's apparent demise arises an increased desire by the FOMC to pay attention to the NGDP gap.

Friday, September 21, 2018

FOMC Preview: "We Have the Nerve to Invert the Curve"

The quote in the title should be the motto for the 2018-2019 FOMC. For the FOMC is set to raise its interest rate target next week and expected to raise it several times more in 2019 despite a flattening treasury yield curve.


As seen in the above chart, the outright inversion of the treasury yield typically leads to a recession.  Despite this robust pattern, a growing number of Fed officials have become emboldened in their dismissal of it "since this time is different."  As Caroline Baum notes, 
In April, John Williams acknowledged that an inverted yield curve is “a powerful signal of recessions,” based on a significant body of research, including that by staff economists at his former bank. 
By September, Williams was already disavowing that signal. “I don’t see the flat yield curve or inverted yield curve as being the deciding factor in terms of where we should go with policy,” Williams said following a speech in Buffalo on Sept. 6. 
Next up was Fed Gov. Lael Brainard. She broke new ground in a speech last week when she... invoked the four most dangerous words in finance — “this time is different” — and applied them to the prospect of an inverted yield curve.
To be fair, President John Williams and Governor Lael Brainard are simply expressing the natural implications of the FOMC projected path for interest rates. As I noted before, the FOMC's own summary of economic projections implies a yield curve inversion over the next year or so. The FOMC, in short, is becoming increasingly dismissive of fears about inverting the yield curve. That is why the title of this post should be their motto for 2018-2019. Here is a t-shirt you can buy to commemorate this surge in FOMC boldness:


Some observers side with Fed officials arguing that "this time is indeed different" because the term premium is so low. To that I would first remind them that former Fed chair Ben Bernanke made a similar argument in 2006. As it turned out, the term premium had declined but so had the expected path of short-term interest rates. This can be seen in the figure below, which is constructed using the New York Fed's estimates of term premiums. It shows the 10-year minus 1-year treasury spread decomposed into (1) an expected rate path spread and (2) a term premium spread. These two component add up to the overall spread. The lesson here for the FOMC is to avoid falling for the siren call of the term premium excuse.


I would also remind naysayers that even if it were the case that the flattening of the yield curve is all due to a lowering of the term premium, the inverting of the yield curve still matters for financial intermediation. An inverted yield curve means smaller net interest margins for financial firms and thus less financial intermediation. That is, once the yield curve inverts, it goes from being a predictive tool to a causal agent. So even in the best-case scenario, one should not be cavalier about inverting the yield curve. Be careful FOMC.

P.S. Here is the backside of the t-shirt: